Higher Ed Watch

A Blog from New America's Higher Education Initiative

Guest Post: Towards a National Strategy for Financing Higher Education

June 17, 2010

By Patrick M. Callan

As I wrote yesterday, President Obama’s target of global leadership in higher education attainment by 2020 is a credible goal. But without a broad political consensus supporting this goal and seeking to improve college access and completion state-by-state, new federal investments will not get us there. As is the case with other complex areas of domestic policy (e.g., public assistance, health care, public education, and energy), policy solutions that do not recognize and incorporate the roles of states, institutions, communities, and other stakeholders are unlikely to succeed. Federal programs are necessary but not sufficient for the magnitude of improvement that is needed in higher education.

What are some of the elements of a national policy that could significantly improve higher education access and attainment consistent with the Obama goal? This will require strategies that are national in scope but that build upon commitment and buy-in from the states and from colleges and universities, as well as from students and families. Substantial gains in high school graduation rates and in the preparation of students for college are essential. But these gains in elementary and secondary education will be insufficient. In forging a nationwide strategy for higher education, policymakers must:

Guest Post: A National Strategy is Needed for Financing Higher Education

June 16, 2010

By Patrick M. Callan

The importance of the recent federal legislation that shifted substantial public subsidies from financial institutions to college students should not be underestimated. But neither should it be thought of as more than a first step towards the restructuring of college financing that will be required if the nation is to significantly strengthen college access and affordability, close equity gaps, and raise national levels of educational attainment.

Because the “system” of public and private finance of higher education that served the G.I.s, the Baby Boomers, and their children is broken. The funding flows are unstable, the responsibilities of the partners are increasingly blurred, equity gaps persist, and students are leaving college with unprecedented levels of debt. The dysfunctional finance system accounts in part for the underperformance of American higher education as reported in the Measuring Up state and national report cards and in international comparisons. In my view, this underperformance is unlikely to be fixed unless the nation, the states, and our institutions of higher education reopen fundamental questions in a quest for a restructured policy and finance framework -- one that is national in scope and designed for the economy and demographics of the 21st century, not the last one.

EXCLUSIVE: Budget Rule Jeopardizes Supplemental Pell Grant Funds

  • By
  • Jason Delisle
June 15, 2010

In May we wrote that the Pell Grant program for low income college students has been weighing on Democratic Congressional leaders’ minds. Supplemental funding for the program under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 is running out and Congress is now faced with the costly challenge of maintaining the maximum grant level of $5,550 in future years. We also reported that the House Appropriations Committee intended to include $5.7 billion in supplemental funding for Pell Grants in its version of the fiscal year 2010 emergency supplemental appropriations bill. If this funding were approved, Democratic leaders would only need to fund Pell Grants at $17.5 billion instead of $23.2 billion when they draft the fiscal year 2011 budget allocations and appropriations in the coming weeks – an easier sell to deficit conscious lawmakers (though $23 billion will be appropriated for the program either way). The strategy, in other words, is to “pre-fund” part of the 2011-12 academic year Pell Grant as a fiscal year 2010 emergency.

If that sounds like a budget gimmick… well it is. In fact, this gimmick is about to bump up against a budget rule for Pell Grants and is producing a rather bizarre scenario. The Senate has already passed its version of the supplemental appropriations bill (with no Pell Grant funding). But House Democratic leaders, including Appropriations Committee Chairman David Obey, haven’t secured the votes for their version because of deficit spending proposed in an early draft (i.e. Pell Grant and other funding) that goes beyond funding for Iraq and Afghanistan military operations.

It appears that if the House considers the supplemental appropriations bill after June 30th, any Pell Grant funding in the bill will be “scored” by the Congressional Budget Office as $23.2 billion. If the bill is considered by Congress before June 30th, it will be scored as is -- at whatever funding amount is provided -- most likely $5.7 billion. If Democratic leaders are having trouble winning votes due to the cost of the supplemental appropriation, a $23.2 billion score for Pell Grants certainly won’t help.

But don’t blame CBO for this crazy scenario. This is what happens when Congress tries to hide the true cost of the Pell Grant program by dividing up funding among multiple appropriations bills.

How Congress Could Spoil Catherine Reynolds’ Comeback

  • By
  • Stephen Burd
June 10, 2010

As we reported on Tuesday, Washington, DC socialite Catherine Reynolds is seriously considering jumping back into the private student loan market. Her return would be big news because she left the business three years ago embroiled in controversy -- with her non-profit company EduCap, which marketed private loans under the brand name Loan to Learn, facing heavy and deserved scrutiny from the Internal Revenue Service, the Senate Finance Committee, and the news media over its questionable practices.

But this is not a done deal yet. The question of whether or not Reynolds re-enters the private student loan business rests largely in the hands of Congress, which is currently considering legislation that could stop her in her tracks.

We are referring to a proposal that is included in the House of Representatives version of the mammoth financial regulatory overhaul bill that would require colleges to certify a student’s need for private loans before that individual could receive them from companies, like EduCap, that market these high-cost loans directly to students. The plan aims to give college financial aid administrators the opportunity to counsel students about their financial aid options so that they do not unwittingly take on unnecessary private loan debt. This is important because, according to the U.S. Department of Education, nearly two-thirds of undergraduates who borrowed private loans in the 2007-08 academic year did so even though they hadn’t exhausted their eligibility for lower-cost federal student loans first. One quarter of these private loan borrowers did not take out any federal loans at all.

Exclusive: A Student Loan Comeback for the Controversial Catherine Reynolds?

  • By
  • Stephen Burd
June 8, 2010

Higher Ed Watch has learned that Washington, D.C. socialite Catherine Reynolds, the chief executive officer of EduCap, a non-profit company that used to market high-cost private student loans under the brand name Loan to Learn, is in serious discussions about making a comeback in the private student loan business.

According to Congressional sources, Reynolds and her associates have been busy in recent months making the rounds on Capitol Hill -- visiting key lawmakers and their staffs as well as executive branch officials -- to gauge how policymakers would react if Reynolds were to move forward with her plans to re-enter the private student loan marketplace.

We understand that the reception has been underwhelming at best. That’s not too surprising given the controversy that surrounded Reynolds and her student loan company when she decided to suspend its operations in the summer of 2007.

Should Community Colleges Ditch One Dupont Circle?

  • By
  • Stephen Burd
June 3, 2010

Would the nation’s 1,200 community colleges (and their 11 million students) be better off if the national trade association that represents them severed its ties to One Dupont Circle, the long-time headquarters of most of the national higher education associations?

Wick Sloane, a journalist who teaches writing at Bunker Hill Community College in Boston, thinks so. In a witty and provocative column last week in Inside Higher Ed, Sloane, who regularly writes about inequities in higher education, laid out the agenda he would pursue if he was handed the reins of the American Association of Community Colleges (AACC), which is currently in the midst of a presidential search. Among his top priorities would be to end the group’s membership in the “Big Six,” the major national higher education lobbying groups, which, he argued, primarily represent the interests of four-year public and private colleges and research universities.

“I hereby stipulate the integrity of The Five, whose interests are legitimate too,” Sloane wrote. “But am I the only one to have noticed that since the beginning of time the colleges and universities in the Five have received pretty much all of the federal money? While community colleges have had the most students with the highest need?”

Given the role that some of the associations recently played in helping undermine an ambitious Obama administration proposal to revitalize the country’s community colleges, he certainly has a point. We’re referring to the now-defunct American Graduation Initiative, a ten-year, $12 billion effort that was designed to boost the number of community college graduates by five million over the next decade. The program, which was initially to be included as part of the student loan reform legislation that Congress approved in March, would have also provided funds for community colleges to build stronger links with high schools and the workforce, expand their course offerings, improve their remedial and adult education programs, and upgrade and expand their facilities.

The additional resources would have been like manna from heaven for these cash-strapped schools, which are facing such an extreme funding crisis that many of these generally open-enrollment institutions are being forced to turn away tens of thousands of low-income and working-class students who are in desperate need of their services.

But most of the other college groups -- “The Five,” as Sloane calls them -- were not persuaded. Officials at the National Association of Independent Colleges and Universities (NAICU), which represents private colleges, were particularly irate about the favoritism being shown to community colleges. In an e-mail to his members, David Warren, the president of NAICU, railed against the proposal before the president had even unveiled it. “There are some disturbing signs,” he warned, “that enthusiasm for expanding their [community colleges’] role may drive policy decisions that are both unfair and unwise.” The plans, he complained, “have the federal government providing funds to one sector of American higher education, to the exclusion of other sectors.”

After NAICU officials learned that the chairman of the House Committee on Education and Labor had included the community college proposal in the panel’s version of the student loan reform bill, they sent out a legislative alert to their members arguing that the proposal “shifts the relationship with the federal government from student-based toward institution-based.”

At Higher Ed Watch, we find the audacity and the pettiness of these arguments difficult to fathom. Was NAICU suggesting that policymakers should not be able to devote the government’s limited resources to institutions that are most in need of the help and where they believe the money would do the most good for the welfare of the country? Or that the government should hold off from providing any new money to higher education unless it can ensure that each sector gets an equal cut, no matter how deserving?

NAICU officials well know that the financial aid programs, largely designed over the last 40 years by New England lawmakers with lots of prestigious private colleges in their home states, as a whole tilt heavily in their institutions’ (and the public flagship universities’) favor. The private college group has successfully fought time and again to defeat efforts by policymakers to rewrite the campus based aid funding formula to ensure that the schools that predominantly serve the most disadvantaged students (i.e. community colleges) get their fair share of the funds. At the same time, private college lobbyists have not hesitated to lobby for generous tuition tax deduction proposals that provide little benefit to community college students but favor their sector's students disproportionately.

To be clear, we recognize that it would be unfair to place the blame for the demise of the American Graduation Initiative entirely on the shoulders of the college groups that opposed it or at least signaled their distaste for it. The program was one of several that Congressional leaders slashed in a last-minute scramble to make sure that the reconciliation measure met its revised and lowered budget targets. If Democratic lawmakers had acted on the legislation sooner -- before March when the Congressional Budget office was due to re-estimate the measure’s savings -- the program probably would have survived intact in the final bill. [To mollify community colleges, lawmakers did include $2 billion over four years for a job training program that had been created in the economic stimulus legislation but never been funded.]

Still, the fact that the administration’s proposal caused such dissension among the college lobbying groups made it an easy target when the bill had to be pared down.

Will the community college association leave One Dupont Circle, as Sloane suggests it should? There’s no chance. But frankly, given the shoddy treatment community colleges received from the higher education associations and NAICU in particular, we’re surprised that more of the group’s members are not demanding that the option at least be considered.

Playing Defense at the Nation's Largest Regional Accreditation Agency

  • By
  • Stephen Burd
May 27, 2010

In December, the U.S. Department of Education’s Inspector General (IG) called on the Department to consider terminating the authority of the nation’s largest regional accreditation agency because it had accredited a major chain of for-profit universities despite findings that raised serious questions about the quality of training the institution was providing. Since then, officials at the Higher Learning Commission of the North Central Association of Colleges and Schools have been vigorously fighting back, arguing that the IG seriously misrepresented their actions.

At issue was the commission’s decision last May to give “full initial accreditation without limitation” to the Career Education Corporation’s American Intercontinental University (AIU) despite concluding that the school had significantly -- and, in the words of the commission’s reviewers, “egregiously” -- inflated the course credits it was providing to its large population of online students. The IG, in a blistering report in December, said that the agency’s action called “into question whether the accrediting decisions made by HLC should be relied upon by the Department of Education, when assisting students to obtain quality education through the Title IV [student aid] programs.”

In her official response, which the IG released this week as part of its final report on the case (starting on p.19), Sylvia Manning, the commission’s president, said she disagreed “profoundly with the conclusions drawn by the Inspector General’s team.” She particularly blasted the IG for suggesting that the agency had not placed “conditions and limitations” on AIU in reaction to the findings. Manning wrote that, among other things, the commission had required the school to conduct a self-study on the awarding of credit hours in preparation for a focused site visit from the agency in the 2010-11 academic year. The accreditor also required the institution to seek the commission’s approval before starting any new degree programs or sites. “These restrictions were intended to force change and to force it quickly,” she stated.

Career Education Corporation has, in fact, recently changed its policy, cutting the credits it awards for AIU's online classes in half – from 9 to 4.5 credits per course. This shows, she argued, that  “the Commission’s approach works":

The Commission’s evaluation team identified a significant problem with the awarding of academic credit in a small percentage of online upper-division courses offered by the institution. The team outlined a regime of monitoring to result in prompt remediation of the problem. A Commission evaluation team has been on campus this winter to ensure that prompt action is indeed being taken by the institution to ameliorate the problem. The online upper-division students of AIU attending an institution with a twenty-year history of regional accreditation will be benefiting from this change, which, with the Commission’s intervention, might not have taken place or at least not as quickly.

But the IG does not buy Manning’s explanation, and at Higher Ed Watch, neither do we.

A College Health Insurance Scandal?

  • By
  • Maggie Severns
May 26, 2010

New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo has been investigating college-sponsored health insurance plans and what he has discovered sounds disturbingly similar to the “pay-for-play” student loan scandal that Higher Ed Watch helped uncover several years ago.

At the heart of the probe is the question of whether colleges, when making lucrative deals with health insurance corporations, are truly acting in the best interests of their students -- or whether they are allowing other considerations, such as their cozy relationships with some of the biggest college health insurance providers, such as United HealthCare and Aetna, to come into play.

In a letter to college presidents last month, Cuomo said that he found that “some health insurance brokers, agents and consultants, as well as some health insurers, have made contributions to the schools or provide items of value to the school or its employees.”

“In some cases, these contributions are seemingly innocuous, such as meals at moderately-priced restaurants,” the attorney general wrote. “In other cases, insurance agents have treated school employees to shows and expensive dinners, and brokers, agents, plan administrators, and insurers have contributed thousands of dollars to school events, such as golf tournaments.”

These contributions, Cuomo wrote, “call into question the schools’ objectivity” in selecting the best providers for their students. This is particularly worrisome because many of these plans are very costly to students and their parents but provide insufficient coverage. For example, Cuomo and others have found that many of these plans:

Pell Grant Maneuver Aims to Placate Budget Hawks

  • By
  • Jason Delisle
May 25, 2010

The Pell Grant program, the federal government’s largest source of financial aid for undergraduate students from low-income families, has been weighing on Democratic Congressional leaders’ minds for months now as supplemental funding for the program under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act starts to run dry. But the issue could be addressed shortly. Higher Ed Watch has learned that the House Appropriations Committee is likely to include $5.7 billion in funding for Pell Grants in its version of the fiscal year 2010 emergency supplemental appropriations bill Congress is expected to pass in the coming days. If Congress ultimately passes the House version with the Pell Grant funding intact and the President signs it into law, it will be the second time in two months that Congress has dumped extra funds into the program.

Earlier this year the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) reported that the Pell Grant program was $6.1 billion in the hole. It turns out that the funding Congress provided in the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) wasn’t enough to cover rising costs in the program due to increasing numbers of eligible students and guarantee a maximum grant of $5,350 in fiscal year 2009 and $5,550 in 2010. The maximum grant was $4,731 in 2008.

In response to these funding challenges lawmakers used savings generated through student loan reforms in the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act signed into law this past March to make a one-time $13.5 billion infusion into the Pell Grant program. That was more than enough to plug the $6.1 billion hole in the program and gave the program a $7.4 billion surplus, according to CBO.

If the program is running a surplus right now, why is Pell Grant funding still bugging Congress, and why is the House Appropriations Committee expected to include $5.7 billion in Pell Grant funding in the supplemental appropriations bill?

Guest Post: A Dose of Common Sense in the Treatment of Private Loans in Bankruptcy

May 20, 2010

By Melissa B. Jacoby

Momentum appears to be growing in Congress for changing federal law to allow individuals to borrow money for education without undue risk to their financial futures. Specifically, Sen. Dick Durbin (D-IL) and Rep. Steve Cohen (D-TN) have offered standalone legislation, S. 3219, and H.R. 5043, respectively, that would restore the common-sense treatment of private student loans in personal bankruptcy. Sen. Al Franken (D-MN) has submitted an amendment to the Senate financial regulatory overhaul bill that would do the same, although it is unclear whether it will be considered.

To see the issue, imagine that Chris owes $10,000 to Bank One and $10,000 to Bank Two. Both banks conducted the same credit checks and charged the same interest rate. Now imagine that Chris suffers severe financial hardship and files for bankruptcy. If Chris is an honest debtor with few assets, he will emerge from bankruptcy with no legal liability to Bank One, but, under current bankruptcy law, likely will continue to owe $10,000 to Bank Two. Why the different treatment? Chris used the Bank One loan for medical care, food, and other basic necessities, but used the Bank Two loan for trade school tuition.

In the 1970s, for-profit consumer lenders publicly criticized the establishment of such a distinction. Their representatives noted, “If the social utility of what is exchanged for the debt is to be determinative of dischargeability then the question can be raised of whether it is proper to discharge medical bills, food bills, etc. This proposed [legislation] simply suggests that if sufficient political pressure can be generated, a special interest group can obtain special treatment under the bankruptcy law.”

Singing a different tune today, however, the Consumer Bankers Association now endorses treating student loans differently from debts incurred for food or medical bills. Why the shift? In 2005, Congress expanded the nondischargeability of private student loans, allowing for-profit lenders to become beneficiaries of the law they opposed decades earlier.

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