Higher Ed Watch

A Blog from New America's Higher Education Initiative

America's "Best-Bang-for-the-Buck" Colleges

  • By
  • Rachel Fishman
August 28, 2012

Which colleges provide the most value to their students by getting them over the finish line at a reasonable price? That’s a question that the Washington Monthly seeks to answer in this year’s College Guide with a new social mobility measure – known as the cost-adjusted graduation rate – that determines which colleges effectively educate and graduate students at the lowest cost, regardless of student and institutional characteristics.

Other college rankings try to measure which schools are providing the best value, but do an incomplete job. The colleges that dominate these lists tend to be the wealthiest and most selective institutions, enrolling the nation’s top students and providing them with the type of financial aid packages that only large endowments and small enrollments can sustain.

Harvard, Princeton, and Yale, for example, not only dominate the top three spots on the coveted U.S. News and World Report’s college rankings, they also top the magazine’s “Best Value” list.  This is hardly surprising, given that U.S. News relies heavily on using the institution’s overall score in the rankings to calculate their value and only includes institutions that made it to the top half of that list. Since the magazine’s rankings are based on factors like selectivity, SAT/ACT scores of incoming students, and alumni giving, only heavily-resourced private and public institutions make it to the top.

The Washington Monthly took a different approach because the magazine does not believe that colleges should be rewarded just for enrolling students who are easy to educate and graduate, providing “value” only to a small subset lucky enough to get in. After all, the vast majority of students do not attend the most elite and wealthiest institutions.

Hot Off the Press

August 27, 2012
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Make sure not to miss the Washington Monthly magazine’s annual College Guide and Rankings issue, which was guest-edited by Kevin Carey, director of the New America Foundation’s Education Policy Program. Called “more interesting than virtually any other ranking out there” by The New York Times, the guide ranks colleges based on their contributions to their students and society.

While U.S. News & World Report relies on measures of wealth, exclusivity, and prestige for its rankings, the Washington Monthly -- in collaboration with New America’s education policy team -- rated colleges based on what they are doing for their students and the country by improving social mobility, producing research, and promoting public service.

“There’s nothing wrong with rankings per se, but the rankings that push individual colleges to heedlessly raise prices help precipitate a collective crisis that threatens to undermine institutions that are vital to the nation’s future prosperity and civic life,” Carey says. “Our rankings pose a different question: What are colleges doing for the country?”

Summer Break

August 10, 2012

Higher Ed Watch is taking a summer break and will not be publishing for the next two weeks. We will be back the week of August 27th. Enjoy the dog days of summer!

Milton Friedman Did Not Invent Income-Contingent Loans

  • By
  • Alex Holt
  • Jason Delisle
August 9, 2012

Conservatives have been gushing praise for Milton Friedman on what would have been his 100th birthday last week. For some liberals, though, Friedman is a more controversial figure, especially in education policy – he proposed what we now know as school vouchers. Yet liberals do thank Milton Friedman for one thing: he proposed the idea of an income-contingent student loan program.

Yes, in case you haven’t heard, many sources cite Milton Friedman as the father of income-contingent loans, including a 2010 Inside Higher Ed op-ed. Income-contingent loans vary by program, but all involve the stipulation that a borrower repay at a rate based on a share of his income, and the newest federal programs involve loan forgiveness after twenty years. For years advocates for income-contingent loans have gleefully stated that Friedman proposed such a structure– a 1988 New York Times article notes that Michael Dukakis’s proposed income-contingent loan program was based on one “first proposed by Milton Friedman, guru to a generation of conservative economists.”

But it turns out that Milton Friedman didn’t advocate for income-contingent loans, nor was it the basis of his idea. In fact, Friedman probably would not like the three income-contingent repayment plans now available in the federal student loan program, nor would he sanction some broader version of those plans which tend to please student advocates and progressive pundits.

To read the full post, visit Ed Money Watch.

New Senate Bill Seeks to Crack Down on One of For-Profit Colleges’ Worst Abuses

  • By
  • Stephen Burd
August 7, 2012

Sen. Tom Harkin (D-IA) and two other Senate Democrats introduced legislation last week to stop one of the most egregious practices of the for-profit higher education industry: enrolling students in programs that lack the specialized accreditation needed for students to get jobs in their fields of study.

The important bill would strip federal financial aid, as well as veteran and military benefits, from any college programs that leave students in the lurch because they don’t have the necessary programmatic accreditation. “Taxpayers have no place funding programs that hurt students more than they help,” said Sen. Jeff Merkley of Oregon, who joined Maryland Senator Barbara Mikulski and Harkin in sponsoring the measure.

The legislation, the “Protecting Students from Worthless Degrees Act,” comes on the heels of the release of a Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee report detailing the findings from a two-year investigation that Senator Harkin, the panel’s chairman, led of the for-profit higher education industry. During the course of the inquiry, committee staff learned of a number of students who felt they had been deceived about the value of their degrees.

CBO Issues Fresh Evidence That Student Loan Defaults Cost Taxpayers

  • By
  • Jason Delisle
August 2, 2012

Higher Ed Watch's sister blog Ed Money Watch has run a number of posts over the past two years debunking the myth that the federal government profits when borrowers default on their student loans (see here and here). This well-worn myth holds that the penalties, fees, and interest the government charges defaulters, coupled with its extraordinary collection powers (tax refund offset, wage garnishment, etc.) means the government stands to collect more on a student loan when a borrower defaults than if he had paid it off in full and on time. This simply isn’t true – and new evidence that it is not was just released.

Back in February, the U.S. Department of Education buried a table in hundreds of pages of budget documents that illustrating that after netting out what the government spends to collect on a defaulted student loan, and adjusting for the risk-free time-value off money, the government ultimately collects 80 cents on the dollar on a loan that defaults. Now comes more evidence from the Congressional Budget Office that defaults are costly for taxpayers.

To read the full post, visit Ed Money Watch.

NASFAA's Unfortunate Stance on the Financial Aid Shopping Sheet

  • By
  • Rachel Fishman
August 1, 2012
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Jane recently found out she’s diabetic. To control her insulin levels, she’ll need to pay close attention to her carbohydrate intake. She knows she’ll have to cut down on sugar-laden desserts, but what about her daily bowl of Total? And the raisins and pretzels she eats as an afternoon snack? Twenty-five years ago, Jane would have had difficulty comparing and choosing among the food in her pantry.  But now, thanks to the passage of the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act of 1990, all she has to do is consult the food labels to make an informed decision about what to eat. Even though standardized nutrition labels may seem ubiquitous today, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) had to battle against the food lobby, which relentlessly tried to prevent even the most basic of disclosures, to get this legislation through Congress.

Today, we’re witnessing a similar struggle play out in higher education. The Department of Education announced last week that it wants to provide better, simplified, and consistent information to students about their financial aid packages. They released a model financial aid award letter, known as the “Shopping Sheet,” that would present financial aid packages to students in a standardized way—separating grants from loans, and clearly listing a student’s net price. This would help students understand how much they will pay out-of-pocket and in loans, and also help them compare financial aid packages among institutions. (More on the necesity of the Shopping Sheet here and here).

Why the Harkin Report on For-Profit Colleges Really Matters

  • By
  • Stephen Burd
July 31, 2012

The U.S. Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions released a final report on Monday detailing its findings from a two-year investigation that its chairman, Sen. Tom Harkin (D-IA), has led of the for-profit higher education industry. The report is voluminous, and we are still digging through it. But for the moment, it’s important to acknowledge the report’s true significance: it puts thousands of pages of internal company documents into the permanent record, providing crucial evidence that fraud and abuse have run rampant throughout the sector, and especially at some of the country's largest for-profit college companies.

This is a major development, as it will make it extremely difficult for the industry and its Congressional champions to continue to deny that abuses have occurred at their schools that have caused – as Senator Harkin said at a press conference yesterday -- “lasting harm to the students they enroll.”

Over the last decade, both publicly-traded and private-equity owned for-profit higher education companies have come under scrutiny from federal and state regulators, and have faced numerous lawsuits by former employees, students, and shareholders over allegations that they engaged in misleading recruitment and admissions tactics to inflate their enrollment numbers. Many of these companies have been accused of routinely recruiting and enrolling unqualified student and sticking them with huge amounts of debt for training from which these individuals were unlikely to benefit.

Yet, time and again, these actions have ended in settlements, in which the companies agree to pay a fine but do not admit to any wrongdoing. What’s more, as part of the terms of these agreements, evidence of abuses that has been unearthed is put under seal, hidden permanently from public view. (For examples, see here, here, here, and here.)

As a result, the companies involved get off scot-free, no matter how airtight the cases are against them. Sure, they have to pay a fine, but this is a small price for these extremely lucrative corporations to pay to maintain their innocence.

The settlements have not only given cover to the individual companies but to the for-profit higher education sector as a whole. The fact that nobody has been found guilty of anything has allowed the industry, as well as its backers on Capitol Hill and Wall Street, to remain in denial about the extent of the abuses that have occurred and the damage that has been done. Instead, these settlements have, in recent years, made it many times easier for for-profit college leaders and lobbyists to portray themselves as innocent victims of a partisan witch hunt, as they have fought efforts by the Obama administration and Senate Democrats to rein in the industry’s very worst players and practices.

And that’s why the new Senate report is so important -- it puts into the official record mountains of evidence, drawn from internal company records, backing up its findings. Lawmakers can still willfully choose to ignore the evidence. But they can no longer say, with a straight face, that it doesn't exist.

Bandwagon

  • By
  • Kevin Carey
July 25, 2012

UC-Berkeley jumped onto the online bandwagon today, joining the edX initiative along with Harvard and M.I.T. In doing so it become the latest in a growing roster of elite American universities committing to offer so-called Massively Open Online Courses (MOOCs) to the world, free of charge, and to give succesful students some kind of certificate / letter / attestation of what they have learned. 

There are many important lessons of the MOOC phenomenon, among them the key role that selfish intentions play in the creation of virtuous outcomes. Until recently, free online resources were mostly provided by universities operating from a sense of social obligation or mild curiosity. M.I.T. put its course materials online, called it Open Courseware, and watched as millions of people logged on. Yale, Carnegie Mellon and others did important work developing free courses of varying degrees of sophistication. It was all interesting and promising, but never quite important, at least not in the way MOOCs seem to be. Other elite schools freely ignored the Open Educational Resources movement without garnering any attention or concern. 

But once Stanford and M.I.T. kicked off the MOOC phenomenon last fall, generating enormous enrollment numbers and publicity to match, the dynamic clearly changed. What we see now, with the recent Coursera expansion and today's edX announcement, is a group of university leaders acting to maintain their status and position relative to their strongest competitors. As a motive force, that is about 1,000 times more powerful than curiosity and social obligation. The bumbling board of visitors at the University of Virginia may have let their panicked emails about UVA's online presence into the public record, but I'm quite sure leaders at every other elite institution in America are asking similar pointed questions about the future of higher education on the Internet and where their institution will ultimately stand.

And that's great. If status anxiety is what it takes for America's world-leading colleges and universities to legitimize the idea of high-quality, low-cost online higher education, then I'm all for status anxiety. Better Coursera and edX than college football, financial aid policies that benefit rich students, and clever methods of gaming the U.S. News rankings.

New Financial Aid Shopping Sheet Standardizes Award Letters—But Will Anyone Use It?

  • By
  • Rachel Fishman
July 24, 2012
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How can you tell the difference between a grant and a loan? While this shouldn’t be a trick question, for many students it is. When students apply for financial aid, they receive a financial aid “award” letter detailing their financial aid package. These letters can (and often do) blur the lines between grants, work-study, need-based and non-need based federal loans to yield a seemingly generous “award package.” Since each institution develops its own letter, it is difficult for students to compare packages across institutions.  Today, the Department of Education and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) released a tool they hope will help provide students with clear and comparable information—a financial aid “shopping sheet.”

The CFPB released a draft of the shopping sheet last October. Since then, it has collected and incorporated more than 1,000 comments from various stakeholders, including students, parents, financial aid administrators, and college access professionals. The end result is a simplified model financial aid award letter that clearly lists cost of attendance, and separates grants from federal loans and work-study. It provides a link to loan calculators to learn more about repayment options and also offers a small amount of space for an institution to add customized information. Ideally, this shopping sheet could become a cover sheet for all financial aid packages.

While the final version is much improved from the draft, there is one glaring, fatal problem that has nothing to do with its design or component parts—institutional adoption of the shopping sheet is voluntary. I doubt that even a majority of the more than 6,600 Title IV institutions will decide to use the shopping sheet. I can hear (and have already heard) some of the arguments for why institutions won’t opt-in: “my institution is not ‘one-size-fits-all’” and “conforming to the letter is overly burdensome.” I don’t imagine I’ll hear institutions say that they benefit from student confusion, and yet some do. In either event, these arguments often lose sight of what students, not institutions, need in order to make informed choices about where to go to college.

In anticipation of the inevitable burden complaints, the Department has made it easier for institutions to adopt the letter, by working with existing financial aid delivery software to incorporate the shopping sheet as a template.  But what incentive will institutions have to actually use it? None.

Right now the impact of the “shopping sheet” largely depends on who decides to use it. If some big-name institutions (Harvard et al) start using the “shopping sheet,” competing peer institutions (and those striving to emulate) may feel they need to use it as well. And let’s not forget the group of ten college presidents who met with Vice President Joe Biden and pledged to be transparent about costs—they should walk the walk and agree to adopt the shopping sheet. These presidents represented a broad range of institutions—like Miami Dade College and the entire State University of New York System—that could reach a diverse group of students.

These institutions, however, will only be a drop in a large bucket of more than 6,600 institutions. Interestingly enough, the shopping sheet will have the biggest impact on prospective military and veteran students. That’s because for them, the shopping sheet will be required. According to President Obama’s recent Executive Order, institutions receiving funding from Federal military and veterans educational benefits programs must provide the shopping sheet to military students.

Senator Franken understands the importance of a model financial aid letter for students, which is why he has introduced bipartisan legislation that would mandate its use. He wants to ensure that all students, not just those lucky enough to apply to schools that voluntarily adopt this letter or those using military benefits, understand the true cost of college. A scattershot approach will not help a student and her family line up and compare four different award letters on the dining room table. 

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